My stance on the Tibet issues

Hyperlink to source text in Chinese: 我对西藏问题的态度   
Translated by @krizcpec

There have been lots of news lately. What attracted people's attention were the unrest in Tibet and the election in Taiwan, both are related to our lives and rights. Whatever that are related to our lives and rights are things worth thinking over, and talking about.

Regarding the issues of Tibet, many wanted to know my views. Below are my thoughts, which might not be comprehensive. Please correct me if I am wrong.

Don't be indolent, think!

Hyperlink to the source text in Chinese: 别在思考上偷懒

Translated, proofread by @krizcpec

Chongqing officials' eerily oppressive approach is really funny: I was invited to give a talk at a forum, and it was canceled on the grounds that fire safety requirements had not been met. However, some of my friends didn't give up trying, and at last they managed to organize in a bar a talk that was more like a question and answer session. The audience was from the younger generations, most were students. 

The theme was movies, we discussed Chinese movies shot by foreigners; education in movies; and movies I enjoyed. These would of course led to discussion on many social problems, because they are closely related to our lives, and our rights. And I felt they were all anxious, eager to have an answer, or the answer, to whatever problems they have; this mentality may not be limited to individuals, nor is it just a reflection of the youthfulness of these people, it is, I'm afraid, a sentiment that is spreading across society. Such sentiment is understandable: it is a response from the masses who are increasingly disappointed with the government; it could be used as a wind vane to observe this society.

我对西藏问题的态度

最近的新闻当然不少，引人注目的新闻则是西藏的骚乱与台湾的选举，这两点都与我们的生活与权益有关。与我们的生活与权益有关，当然值得我们每个人思考，值得我们来认真谈谈，同时也有不少朋友希望听听我对此事的意见，下面便是几点我简单的意见，难免挂一漏万，欢迎大家批评指正。

一：放弃要烂就烂在锅里头的统一观念。中国人的观念里面，几千年来对统一有着变态的热爱，却不问这统一是否对自己的权益受损。我认为个人权益比不着边际的统一更重要，任何统一及族群认同，都是有条件的。那种不论怎样穷，不论怎没有尊严，不论怎样没有自由，都要统一的理念，我是不认同的。我认为族群认同和统一，必须在每个人有自由选择和内心认同的基础上，否则强扭的瓜不甜。任何不经别人的自由意志，而强行让别人认同你，都是不可取的。

二：主张自治，而不轻易主张独立。比如西藏独立涉及到太多人的利益与感情，当然首先应该尊重藏族人。但是再尊重藏人感情，不过要言独立，成本实在太高，可能会造成不少的冲突，所以我主张真正从根本让西藏在统一的情况下高度自治，但政府得真让别人自治，而不是上下其手，表面自治而骨子里面却很少有什么真正的自治。九七年后，在香港自治上，就是一个比较坏的范例。

三：我反对个体的暴力，更反对政府的暴力。如果真如官方所说，“一小撮”藏人在烧杀抢掠，那么我也是反对的，不管你有多么正当。当然从藏民的角度讲，从达赖的角度讲（他派他的兄弟与中共高层谈判很多次），他们一直希望和平解决西藏问题，但政府在其间的诚意，却似乎一届不如一届，这是政府应该反思的。文明政治，应该抛弃暴力，应该知道谈判妥协，才是正道。

四：光明正大的政府，是不封锁消息的。你既然认为是藏民滋事，有何不可以开放让别人来看，让记者来采访的呢？可以这样说，封锁消息才是真正的圹大事态。谣言不可能止于智者，谣言只能止于言论自由、新闻自由、信息开放，让真相来制止谣言，而不是封锁真相让谣言蔓延。

五：封住别人的口，只许自己一个人来发表定性判断，这是很霸道且混帐的逻辑。你封锁消息，不允许新闻自由采访，却在那里自己做出什么达赖集团在幕后指使的定性判断，这是可笑的。别把人们的正常判断能力想得那么低，事实这样只能显示自己在处理这些事情上的蛮横与愚蠢。

六：提高危机公关的应急能力。雪灾的处理不合格，此次拉萨事件一样不合格。官方几十年对不同意见，不同的权益诉求，大都采访弹压的政策，而不思改变，这样僵化做法，应该逐步改掉，不要以为老子天下第一，不要不见棺材不掉泪。现在已是个权益分歧越来越多的社会，个人的利益，族群的利益，民族的情感，都应该受到极高之尊重，而不是口惠而实不至。

七：民族、宗教、人权等方面的诉求，都非常棘手，应该真正有诚意的谈判，而不是用枪杆子来压服。我是一个少数民族，而且在藏区工作过，藏族人的好与坏，也天然存在的。但藏族人的情感与族群认同、宗教信仰、自由选择的确是个大问题，这方面政府不是没有可检讨的余地，也不是做得让人满意。可以这样说，政府这几十年来对藏区的统治，在我看来，不算合格，看一看每次藏人的不满，都从什么开始，就不难看出这一点。这方面的文章在网上已有不少，大家可以查看。

八：任何恐怖活动我都反对，不论这恐怖活动来自官方还是来自民间。如果藏人要求独立而迁怒于普通汉人之上，见汉必杀，这样你就会丧失真正的同情与理解。就像巴勒斯坦人，你是不容易，但你搞自杀式袭击，这无论如何不能得到理智之人的支持。恐怖活动是政治和生活中的毒瘤，是真正的饮鸩止渴。这一点对任何要求独立或者自治的团体都一样有效。

九：奥运之年，当然会有不少的事情，希望政府克制、包容、有同情心，要有善意来解决不同团体和个人的权益诉求。不能因为奥运而弹压别人正当的权益诉求，包括因奥运而受损（比如拆迁户等）的人之权益，也要负责的解决。作为一个政府不要老想到别人是借奥运滋事，而要想别人为什么借奥运滋事？如果没有权益受损，没有人权受损，他哪里能有什么借口呢？为什么美国开奥运会，他国内的人很少杯葛（即有杯葛，也让他杯葛好了，让他反对好了，一个社会有人反对是再正常不过了），那是因为他开的奥运是可以批评的、民主的奥运。我们现在奥运不仅不可以公开批评，而且官方还强调在奥运之年的任何诉求都应该服从奥运，这是非常错误的。任何大型的活动，也不可以干涉和损害民众的日常生活。同理拉萨事件，也应该真正理智解决，不能因为奥运而粗暴弹压。

十：逐步推进民主自由，才是中国也是西藏问题真正解决的钥匙。没有民主自由，别说西藏问题，就是更多的中国问题，也没有解药。独裁统治，是一种不可以接受的政体，是对民众权益与尊严的伤害，必须改变，这是大势所趋。

2008年3月20日8：00于成都

關於處理西藏局勢的十二點意見

關於處理西藏局勢的十二點意見

1. 當前中國官方媒體的單方面宣傳方式，具有煽動民族仇恨和加劇局勢緊張的效果，對維護國家統一的長遠目標非常有害，我們呼籲停止這種宣傳。

2. 我們支持達賴喇嘛的和平呼籲，希望遵循善意、和平與非暴力的原則妥善處理民族爭端；我們譴責任何針對無辜平民的暴力行為，強烈敦促中國政府停止暴力鎮壓，呼籲藏族民眾也不進行暴力活動。

3. 中國政府宣稱“有足夠證據證明這是達賴集團有組織、有預謀、精心策劃的”事件，我們希望政府出示證據，並建議政府邀請聯合國人權理事會對證據、事實過程和傷亡人數進行獨立調查，以改變國際社會的相反看法和不信任心態；

4. 我們認為類似西藏地區中共領導人所說“達賴是一隻披著袈裟的豺狼、人面獸心的惡魔”那類文革語言無助於事態的平息，也不利於中國政府的形象。我們認為致力於融入國際社會的中國政府，應該展示出符合現代文明的執政風貌。

5. 我們注意到，拉薩發生暴力行為的當天（3月14日），西藏自治區負責人就宣佈“有足夠證據證明這是達賴集團有組織、有預謀、精心策劃的”，這說明西藏當局早知道暴亂即將發生，然而卻沒有有效阻止事態發生和擴大，這其中是否存在瀆職，應該進行嚴肅的調查處置。

6. 如果最終不能證明此次事件是有組織、有預謀、精心策劃的，而是一場被激起的“民變”，則應該追究激起民變並且捏造虛假情報矇騙中央和國民的責任者，並認真反省教訓，總結經驗，避免今後重蹈覆轍。

7.我們強烈要求不對藏族民眾搞人人過關和秋後算賬，對被逮捕者的審判必須遵循公開、公正、透明的司法程式，以達到各方面心服口服的效果。

8. 我們敦促中國政府允許有公信力的國內外媒體進入藏區進行獨立的採訪報導。我們認為，目前的這種新聞封鎖，無法取信于國民和國際社會，也有損於中國政府的誠信。如果政府掌握真相，就不怕百般挑剔。只有採取開放姿態，才能扭轉目前國際社會對我國政府的不信任。

9. 我們呼籲中國民眾和海外華人保持冷靜和寬容，進行深入的思考。激烈的民族主義姿態，只能招致國際社會的反感，有損於中國的國際形象。

10. 1980年代的西藏動盪局限於拉薩，這次卻擴大到藏區各地，這種情況的惡化反應出對藏工作存在嚴重失誤，有關部門必須痛加反省，從根本上改變失敗的民族政策。

11.為了避免今後發生類似事件，政府必須遵守中國憲法中明列的宗教信仰自由和言論自由的權利，讓藏族民眾充分表達他們的不滿和希望，讓各民族國民自由地表達對政府民族政策的批評和建議。

12. 我們希望漢藏人民消除誤解，開展交流，實現團結，無論是政府部門，還是民間組織和宗教人士，都應該為此做出努力。我們必須消除民族仇恨，實現民族和解，而不是繼續擴大民族之間的分裂。一個國家避免領土分裂，首先在於避免民族之間的分裂。 


2008年3月22日簽名人：
王力雄（北京 作家）
劉曉波（北京 自由撰稿人）
張祖樺（北京 憲政學者）
沙葉新（上海 作家 回族）
于浩成（北京 法學家）
丁子霖（北京 教授）
蔣培坤（北京 教授）
孫文廣（山東 教授）
余 杰（北京 作家）
冉雲飛（四川 編輯 土家族）
浦志強（北京 律師）
滕 彪（北京 律師 學者）
廖亦武（四川 作家）
江棋生（北京 學者）
張 玲（北京 工程師）
徐 玨（北京 研究員）
李 駿（甘肅 攝影師）
高 瑜（北京 記者）
王德邦（北京 自由撰稿人）
趙達功（深圳 自由撰稿人）
蔣亶文（上海 作家）
劉 毅（甘肅 畫家）
許 暉（北京 作家）
王天成（北京 學者）
溫克堅（杭州 自由職業）
李 海（北京 自由撰稿人）
田永德（內蒙古 民間維權人士）
昝愛宗（杭州 記者）
劉逸明（湖北 自由撰稿人）
劉 荻（北京 自由職業）


至24/3/2008共有186名國外內知識份子簽署

Twelve Suggestions to Dealing with Situations in Tibet

Twelve Suggestions to Dealing with Situations in Tibet

1. The current unilateral propaganda adopted by the Chinese official media has the effect of inciting ethnic hatred and intensifying tensions, these are extremely harmful to the long term goal of safeguarding national unity. We urge this propaganda be stopped.

2. We support the Dalai Lama's appeal for peace, we hope the ethnic disputes will be properly handled following good faith, peace, and non-violent principle; we condemn any acts of violence against innocent civilians; we strongly urge that the Chinese government to stop violent repression, and that the Tibetan people not to resort to violence.

3. The Chinese government claimed it “has enough evidence to prove this [the March 14 incident] to be organized, premeditated, carefully planned by the Dalai clique”, we hope the government would produce the evidence, and we suggest the government to invite the UN Human Rights Council to conduct an independent investigation of the evidence, of what really happened, and of the casualties figure so as to change the opposite view and distrust of the international community.

4. We believe that remarks from Communist leaders in Tibet that echoed expressions during the Cultural Revolution like “Dalai is a wolf dressed in Kasaya, a demon with a human face” would not help calm the situation, and are not conducive to the Chinese government's image. We believe that the Chinese government should, in its commitment to integration into the international community, display a ruling style that is in line with modern civilization.

5. We have noticed that on the same day as violence broke out in Lhasa, the head of Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) declared to “have enough evidence to prove this to be organized, premeditated, carefully planned by the Dalai clique.” This indicated that TAR authority knew about the impending riot in advance, and yet didn't do anything to effectively prevent it from happening or escalating. A serious probe and punishment for dereliction of duty, if any, would be necessary.

6. If in the end this cannot be proved as organized, premeditated, carefully planned [by the Dalai clique], but only as a provoked “popular revolt”, then those responsible for the provocation and the fabrication of intelligence for deception of the central government and the populace should be held accountable. To avoid future mistakes, serious reflection on lessons from this is needed.

7. We strongly demand that the authorities do not force the Tibetan people to show allegiance or make them confess ; do not punish them in retaliation afterward; and that trials of those arrested must follow an open, fair and transparent judicial procedures so that all parties would be satisfied with the results.

8. We urge the Chinese government to allow credible domestic and foreign media to go into Tibet and cover the news there independently. We believe that the current news blockade can not gain the trust of citizens and the international community, it is also detrimental to the integrity of the Chinese government. If the government has the truth, then it should not be afraid of picking. Only when an open attitude is taken can the international community's distrust of our government be turned.

9. We appeal to our nationals and Chinese people overseas to remain calm, tolerant, and to think deep. Posture of aggressive nationalism will only invite antipathy from the international community and harm China's international image.

10. Unrest in Tibet during 1980s was limited to Lhasa only, this time it has spread all across the region, this deterioration of the situation indicates serious mistakes on work in Tibet, relevant government departments must reflect and fundamentally change the failed ethnic policy.

11.To prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the government must observe, as stipulated in China’s constitution, the rights of freedom of religion and of expression; allow the Tibetan people to fully express their discontent and aspirations, so that citizens of all ethnic groups can freely voice their criticism of the government's ethnic policies and make suggestions.

12.We hope that the understanding between the Chinese and the Tibetan people can be eliminated, that the two peoples engage in dialog, and achieve unity; government departments, civic organizations, or religious figures should all contribute to these. We must eliminate ethnic hatred, bring about ethnic reconciliation, and not continue to widen the rift between peoples. To avoid territorial disintegration, a country must first avoid splitting peoples.

The undersigned,

Wang Lixiong (Beijing, writer)
Liu Xiaobo (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhang Zuhua (Beijing, constitution scholar)
Sha Yexin (Shanghai, writer, ethnicity: Hui)
Yu Haocheng (Beijing, jurist)
Ding Zilin (Beijing, professor)
Jiang Peikun (Beijing, professor)
Sun Wenguang (Shandong, professor)
Yu Jie (Beijing, writer)
Ran Yunfei (Sichuan, editor, ethnicity: Tujia)
Pu Zhiqiang (Beijing, lawyer)
Teng Biao (Beijing, lawyer and scholar)
Liao Yiwu (Sichuan, writer)
Jiang Qisheng (Beijing, scholar)
Zhang Ling (Beijing, engineer)
Xu Jue (Beijing, researcher)
Li Jun (Gansu, photographer)
Gao Yu (Beijing, journalist)
Wang Debang (Beijing, freelance writer)
Zhao Dagong (Shenzhen, freelance writer)
Jiang Danwen (Shanghai, writer)
Liu Yi (Gansu, painter)
Xu Hui (Beijing, writer)
Wang Tiancheng (Beijing, scholar)
Wen kejian (Hangzhou, freelancer)
Li Hai (Beijing, freelance writer)
Tian Yongde (Inner Mongolia, civil rights activist)
Zan Aizong (Hangzhou, journalist)
Liu Yiming (Hubei, freelance writer)
Liu Di (Beijing, freelancer)

March 22, 2008

As at March 24, 2008, 186 intellectuals inside China and abroad had signed.